THE Kerala State Conference of the CPI(M), took place in Kollam from March 6-9, 2025. The conference transformed the coastal city into a sea of red, showcasing the unity and cohesion of the strongest state unit of the CPI(M) in India.

The conference was attended by 481 delegates elected from all district units and special units of the Party. Polit Bureau members Prakash Karat, Brinda Karat, MA Baby, BV Raghavulu, Subhashini Ali, Ashok Dhawale, and A Vijayaraghavan, as well as Central Committee members Vijoo Krishnan and AR Sindhu participated in the conference. The flag-hoisting was done AK Balan, a senior leader and Central Committee member of the Party.

INAUGURAL

SESSION

Inaugurating the conference, Prakash Karat, Coordinator of the Polit Bureau, highlighted the rapidly changing international situation, particularly following the presidency of Donald Trump. He noted that three of the four major contradictions –between imperialism and socialism, imperialism and developing countries, and labour and capital – had intensified since the 23rd Congress, especially in the context of the Ukraine war and the genocide in Gaza. However, the fourth contradiction, inter-imperialist rivalry, had remained relatively muted. With Trump’s presidency and the aggressive policies of American imperialism, this inter-imperialist contradiction has also intensified. While the rise of China as an economic and political power has challenged this, the majority of nations remain under the shadow of imperialist aggression.

Karat criticised the Narendra Modi government for betraying the interests of the Indian people by openly colluding with American imperialism. He also pointed out that the Modi government has been promoting corporate interests while diverting public attention through its aggressive Hindutva agenda.

This period has also witnessed the growth of anti-imperialist struggles across the world, particularly in Latin America. China, through its economic policies and international outreach, has been striving to provide support to socialist and developing nations.

In its third term, the Modi government has continued its authoritarian and anti-people policies. Public discontent over these policies led to the BJP losing its single party majority in the recent Lok Sabha elections. However, this has not translated into a significant decline in their support base. While the INDIA bloc managed to secure a larger share of votes, the Congress, the principal opposition party, has left much to be desired.

In this context, Kerala has taken the lead in developing a credible people’s alternative, inspiring the struggling masses across the country. This alternative model is under threat from the Narendra Modi government, which, through its diametrically opposite authoritarian, communal, and anti-people policies, is attempting to scuttle the achievements of the Kerala state government. This has not only intensified the resistance of the people of Kerala against the central government but has also had ripple effects in other parts of the country. Kerala has been pioneering an alternative development model despite the significant challenges posed by the central government and right-wing forces within the state.

Prakash Karat also spoke on the media debate surrounding the Central Committee’s note on neo-fascism, particularly the criticism initiated by the Congress. He asserted that the CPI(M) does not need lessons on fascism from VD Satheesan, the opposition leader in Kerala, whose party remains tainted by the imposition of the Emergency.

ORGANISATIONAL

REPORT

MV Govindan, the state secretary, presented the organisational report, which was divided into four sections. The first section addressed the international and national situation, the second focused on organisational issues, the third was a document titled New Pathways for a New Kerala, and the fourth discussed the functioning of class and mass organisations. The third section was separately presented by Pinarayi Vijayan, chief minister and Polit Bureau member of the Party.

Placing the report, Govindan highlighted that factionalism, which had plagued the Party for many years, has been effectively contained. While there are isolated instances of individualism and malfunctioning in some areas, steps have been taken to address these issues. He noted that a significant portion of the Party members lack adequate political education and experience, as a vast majority joined the Party after the decline of the Soviet Union, and more than half joined after 2016, when the LDF government under the leadership of Pinarayi Vijayan came to power. A comprehensive political education campaign is planned to address this gap, which will be launched after the Party Congress.

The Party has also succeeded in unifying the functioning of the Party and the government, with the Party state centre playing a crucial role in this process. The UDF and the BJP, with the support of sections of the media, have continuously attempted to target and isolate the chief minister, even implicating his family in their efforts to tarnish the government’s image. However, these attacks have been effectively countered by the Party leadership.

Kerala has witnessed a peculiar situation where the UDF, a constituent of the INDIA bloc alongside the Left parties, has aligned with its national adversary, the BJP, to isolate and attack the Left in the state. This collaboration has manifested in the UDF and BJP adopting identical positions on almost all issues related to the state government. For instance, the BJP has accused the Left of "minority appeasement," while the UDF has alleged "majority appeasement," aiming to alienate the Left from both communities. This strategy proved effective in the recent Lok Sabha elections in the Thrissur constituency, where the BJP candidate won with a significant number of UDF votes.

The report also highlighted the growing influence of the BJP across Kerala, which was also evident in the recent Lok Sabha elections. The BJP has managed to penetrate at the micro-level, even within traditional Left strongholds, as demonstrated by the performance of their candidates in constituencies like Attingal and Alappuzha. This has been achieved through control over temples and their festivals, charity work, and a calculated manipulation of belief systems and the emotional lives of the people, effectively communalising all aspects of society. The report emphasised the need to intervene in the lives of the people, drawing believers away from communal forces and fostering scientific temper, historical consciousness, and a secular way of life.

The report also noted the rise of a middle-income group in Kerala, which has seen improvements in their livelihoods but has become increasingly susceptible to caste and communal influences. It stressed the importance of engaging with this group by addressing their aspirations and taking up their issues.

The report also addressed some emerging concerns, including reports of corruption and nepotism in the powerful cooperative sector. For instance, allegations of corruption in a cooperative bank in Thrissur district were exploited for political propaganda and used during the election campaign in Thrissur, even leveraging interventions by the Enforcement Directorate (ED). Similar cases have been reported in other cooperative banks, leading to a loss of credibility in this crucial alternative financial system. The report called for urgent corrective and remedial measures to restore public confidence in this vital sector.

While the overall membership of the Party has increased, there are some concerning trends, such as a decline in membership among Muslim minorities, dalits, students, and youth. It is acknowledged that some of this erosion may be due to the rise of identity politics and communal consolidation. However, the decrease in student and youth membership is also attributed to a lack of politicisation and political campaigns. Although women’s membership has shown overall growth, it has not yet reached the target of 25 per cent of total membership set by the Kolkata Plenum. The proportion of women members is highest in Kannur and lowest in Malappuram. There has been a decline in membership among certain sections of the peasantry, while the working class and agricultural workers have seen an increase. These trends must be carefully evaluated, and appropriate corrective measures taken.

The report also included a detailed self-critical assessment of the functioning of the state secretariat, state committee, and the work carried out across all districts, as well as on class and mass fronts. This assessment helped identify the strengths and weaknesses of the Party, enabling it to adopt suitable rectification measures in the future.

The organisational report thus combined both positive and negative aspects of the Party’s current functioning in a self-critical manner. It called for immediate corrective organisational measures to address the shortcomings and build a vibrant organisation capable of effectively countering the onslaught of right-wing ruling class forces, which are uniting against the LDF government. The report concluded by proposing a series of measures to invigorate Party functioning and carry out effective propaganda efforts against the right-wing campaigns aimed at maligning the LDF and its leadership.

The report was discussed by 47 delegates, including 12 women. Most speakers agreed with the overall assessment and offered suggestions to improve the Party’s work among the masses, particularly among deprived communities. The speakers also emphasized the need to collectively combat the right-wing campaigns targeting individual leaders, especially the chief minister.

NEW PATHWAYS FOR

A NEW KERALA

The document New Pathways for a New Kerala, presented by Pinarayi Vijayan, builds on the resolution adopted by the previous state conference in Ernakulam regarding the development of a new Kerala. It reflects on the experiences of implementing this resolution over the past three years. This period has been marked by relentless attacks on the state government’s developmental initiatives and resource mobilisation efforts, including those through the Kerala Infrastructure Investment Fund Board (KIIFB) and the Pension Fund. The central government classified KIIFB’s resource mobilisation as part of permissible borrowing under budget expenditure and stifled the Pension Fund, effectively blocking internal resource mobilisation. Further, the central allocation of finances to Kerala was reduced to 1.1 per cent, and funds for various relief measures were cut entirely. Also, the central government decided not to pay the compensation dues to states after the implementation of GST, particularly in the aftermath of the COVID-19 pandemic.

In such challenging circumstances, the state was compelled to explore alternative methods for internal resource mobilisation. These include tapping into public funds held by individuals and families, utilising deposits in cooperatives, and raising finances through fees, cesses, and loans, especially from activities that were previously untaxed or taxed at negligible rates. The document also suggests converting sick and non-recoverable Public Sector Undertakings (PSUs) into Public-Private Partnerships (PPPs) and leveraging private capital in a manner that does not harm the interests of the state or its people. It also proposes developing agriculture and agro-based industries through joint efforts of cooperatives and Local Self-Governments (LSGs) and promoting self-help groups like Kudumbashree to start enterprises.

Expectations have risen based on the agreements reached during the recent Investors’ Meet in Ernakulam, anticipating significant investments in Kerala due to the investment-friendly environment being developed.

The document provides a detailed analysis of the achievements and shortcomings across all sectors of Kerala’s economy, as well as the potential for future development given the current constraints. It emphasizes that any new pathway for Kerala’s progress will be defined by two fundamental features. First, it will involve a struggle against the anti-people policies of the central government, which seek to undermine the rights of states and the federal principles enshrined in the Constitution, while imposing corporate-communal policies in an authoritarian manner. Second, any form of people’s resistance to such policies must be realised by developing people-centric alternatives for internal resource mobilisation, production, distribution, and the application of science and technology for development.

Twenty-seven delegates, including seven women, participated in the discussions. While the delegates generally agreed with the spirit of the proposals, they also stressed the need to safeguard primary production sectors such as agriculture, fishing, and agro-based industries, as well as ensuring adequate relief measures and protections for workers. They highlighted the right-wing propaganda against such proposals and emphasized the importance of gaining public confidence before implementing them. In his reply, Vijayan clarified that these were only proposals and assured the delegates that any decisions would be made only after thorough consultations and discussions with all stakeholders. He also affirmed that the interests of the downtrodden sections of society would be fully protected while taking the decisions.

The conference concluded with the election of an 89-member state committee and a panel of 175 delegates for the Party Congress. A five-member Control Commission was also elected. The newly elected state committee subsequently met and elected a 17-member state secretariat, with MV Govindan re-elected as secretary. After the conference ended, a massive rally was held that was addressed by Prakash Karat, MV Govindan, and KK Shailaja.